U.S. Experts on India and South Asia Support U.S.-India Nuclear Deal

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    WASHINGTON, Sept. 22 /-USNewswire/ -- Twenty-one experts on India and its region -- including several former senior government officials -- have written an open letter to Congress urging the speedy passage of legislation to enable the U.S.-India civil nuclear agreement. Please find the full text of their letter attached. The letter reflects the personal views of the signatories, and not the views of the institutions with which they are affiliated.

    The legislation enabling the U.S.-India nuclear agreement would culminate over three years of negotiations on the deal's details, and would follow the agreement's approval by the relevant international bodies. The letter's signatories argue that Congressional approval of the agreement this year is of vital importance for the emerging U.S.-India strategic relationship, for American non-proliferation objectives and for energy security and the environment. They also urge Congress to act quickly and to refrain from altering the substance of the agreement.

    The open letter has been sent to the Democratic and Republican leadership in both the Senate and the House, and to the Chairmen and Ranking Minority Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and House Foreign Affairs Committee.

    September 12, 2008

    The Honorable Harry Reid

    Majority Leader

    Senate of the United States

    Washington, D.C.

    Dear Senator Reid:

    We are writing to urge you to pass, as quickly as possible, the Congressional resolution of approval that will permit final implementation of the U.S.-India agreement on civil nuclear cooperation ("123 Agreement") that President Bush will shortly send to Congress. All the signatories of this letter are long-time South Asia specialists; many of them have held senior positions in the U.S. government in the past.

    No issue is more vital to the future of the U.S.-India partnership than this legislation. The Henry J. Hyde United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006, passed both houses of Congress with large bipartisan majorities and was signed into law by President Bush on December 18, 2006. In 2007, we negotiated the bilateral cooperation agreement. In July 2008, the Indian government put its existence on the line and obtained parliamentary support for the agreement. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the Nuclear Suppliers' Group have taken the steps needed to implement the agreement, fulfilling the conditions stipulated in the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 and the Hyde Act.

    India, like us, faces national elections soon -- no later than May 2009. Now that the hard work of negotiating has been done, both bilaterally and internationally, it is essential to seize the moment and pass the implementing legislation. A failure by Congress to take the final action implementing this agreement would be a severe setback to the strategic gains both the United States and India hope to gain from their partnership. It would also put U.S. industry at a deep disadvantage, now that other states can freely participate in civil nuclear cooperation with India.

    Common strategic interests: In proposing the agreement, the Bush administration stressed three factors: the geostrategic significance of our emerging relationship with India; India's excellent record in safeguarding nuclear technology; and India's massive future energy needs. All three arguments are as powerful as ever.

    With its growing economy and powerful military position, India has become a global partner for the United States and is shaping the future of Asia. There is a striking convergence of interests between India and the United States on issues vital to us. India has taken a strong stand against international terrorism. It is one of the largest economic contributors to reconstruction in Afghanistan. It is the primary resident naval force in the Indian Ocean, and works with us to maintain the security of the sea lanes through which most of the world's oil trade travels. These common interests provide a solid foundation for a long-term partnership based on both democratic values and geopolitical interests. A strong relationship with India is critical to U.S. security and economic interests in Asia.

    India's nonproliferation record: When the Congress passed the Hyde Act, it recognized India's steadfast refusal to transfer nuclear technology to others. These unique circumstances make this change in U.S. nonproliferation policy possible. We are now poised to reap the nonproliferation benefits of ending India's nuclear isolation. Eligibility for civilian nuclear cooperation is an essential first step toward bringing India fully into the global effort to prevent onward transmission of nuclear weapons knowhow. India's formal statement to the NSG on September 5 reiterates India's commitment to a voluntary, unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing. It pledges to strengthen the international nonproliferation regime, and undertakes to work toward a multilateral Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty. Implementing this agreement will give new energy to these critical nonproliferation efforts.

    Energy and the environment: India's energy demand is expected to grow 4.6 percent per year for the next two decades. The whole world has an interest helping India deal with this relentless expansion. Nuclear energy currently makes up only about 3 percent of India's overall power supply. But with an economy growing at 7-9 percent per year, every potential source of power is crucial. India has ambitious plans to expand civil nuclear power. Every nuclear power plant it introduces will take some pressure off the financial and environmental costs of conventional generation. We need this agreement, for our sake and for the sake of the planet.

    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh bet his government on this agreement, and won a vote of confidence on July 22. The government's communist allies opposed the implied strategic relationship with the United States. Their view lost, and when they tried to bring down the government, they failed. On India's political spectrum, everyone except the leftist parties, which represent about 12 percent of the seats in parliament, supports a strong relationship with the United States. This does not mean that partnership with India will always work seamlessly. Like any two large countries with diverse interests, we have our disagreements, and India has a strong commitment to maintaining independence -- and the appearance of independence -- in its foreign policy. But India's basic hopes for the future are in line with ours. It is this convergence of interests that will strengthen our future partnership.

    Now that the IAEA and the NSG have acted, we urge you to move ahead. The negotiations that produced the agreement were long and complex, and both sides have accepted provisions they might have preferred to write differently. In light of the long and difficult negotiations, we would respectfully ask that no further attempts be made to change the substance of the agreement. The benefit of forging a real strategic partnership with India is huge, and if we move ahead now, we should be able to strengthen global cooperation against onward proliferation of nuclear weapons. This is the time to move forward, decisively and fast. This agreement is too important to be defeated by letting the clock run out.

    This letter reflects the personal views of the undersigned, and does not represent the views of the institutions with which they are affiliated.

    Sincerely yours,

    WALTER ANDERSEN

    Associate Director, South Asia Studies

    School of Advanced International Studies

    Johns Hopkins University

    Former Director for South Asia, Bureau of

    Intelligence and Research, Department of State,

    and former Special Assistant to U.S.

    Ambassador to India William Clark

    MARSHALL BOUTON

    President, Chicago Council on Global Affairs

    HONORABLE RICHARD CELESTE

    Former U.S. Ambassador to India

    Former Governor of Ohio

    STEPHEN P. COHEN

    Senior Fellow

    The Brookings Institution

    Former Member, Policy Planning Council

    Department of State

    AINSLEE EMBREE

    Professor Emeritus of History and former

    Director of the Southern Asian Institute

    Columbia University

    Former Special Consultant to U.S. Ambassador to India Frank Wisner

    HAROLD GOULD

    Visiting Scholar

    Center for South Asian Studies

    University of Virginia

    SELIG HARRISON

    Director, Asia Program

    Center for International Policy

    ROBERT M. HATHAWAY

    Director, Asia Program

    Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

    Former South Asia specialist, Foreign Affairs Committee,

    U.S. House of Representatives

    HONORABLE KARL F. INDERFURTH

    Director, International Affairs Program

    Elliott School of International Affairs

    George Washington University

    Former Assistant Secretary of State for South

    Asian Affairs

    ROBERT KAGAN

    Senior Associate

    Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

    Former Member of the Policy Planning Staff,

    Department of State and principal speech writer to Secretary of State George P. Shultz

    HONORABLE DENNIS KUX

    Senior Policy Scholar

    Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

    Former U.S. Ambassador to the Ivory Coast

    DANIEL MARKEY

    Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations

    Former Member of the Policy Planning Staff, Department of State

    THOMAS R. PICKERING

    Vice Chairman Hills & Co.

    Former Senior Vice President for International Relations

    The Boeing Company

    Former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs

    Former U.S. Ambassador to India

    HONORABLE JOHN B. RITCH

    Director General

    World Nuclear Association

    Former U.S. Ambassador to the International

    Atomic Energy Agency and former Staff

    Adviser on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Arms

    Control, Senate Foreign Relations Committee

    LLOYD RUDOLPH

    Professor of Political Science Emeritus

    University of Chicago

    SUSAN RUDOLPH

    Professor of Political Science Emeritus

    University of Chicago

    HONORABLE HOWARD SCHAFFER

    Deputy Director

    Institute for the Study of Diplomacy

    Georgetown University

    Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs

    Former U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh

    HONORABLE TERESITA C. SCHAFFER

    Director, South Asia Program

    Center for Strategic and International Studies

    Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for

    Near East and South Asian Affairs, and former

    U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka

    ASHLEY J. TELLIS

    Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

    Former Senior Adviser to the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs

    HONORABLE RAY VICKERY

    Stonebridge International

    Former Assistant Secretary, Department of Commerce

    HONORABLE FRANK WISNER

    Vice Chairman, External Affairs

    American International Group, Inc.

    Former U.S. Ambassador to India

    Former Under Secretary of State for International Security Affairs

    Former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy

    CONTACT: Dr. Stephen Cohen, 202-797-6015, scohen@brookings.edu or Amb. Teresita Schaffer, 202-775-3171 Bookmark and Share
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